Gary King是哈佛大學最傑出的教授之一，社會數學科學研究所所長。Gary King在社會科學研究的許多領域開發和應用經驗方法，重點是跨越從統計理論到實際應用的創新。
論文使用分析軟體下載
ReadMe: Software for Automated Content Analysis
https://gking.harvard.edu/readme
重點:
1.其中專業的網民大陸影響台灣的網路輿論方向，因為台灣網路自由度高，發言的身分沒人管理，藉以引導對立的議題。
2.作者們首先去找出每一封電子郵件寄件人與文章貼文者，發現大多數是由各局處的帳號貼的，包括商務局、法院、地稅局、社區辦公室、鎮辦公室、鎮黨辦公室等，散佈在各局處間，網宣部自己只發了20%的文章。與過去猜測五毛黨都是一般民眾的假說不同，這裡的結果顯示：五毛黨可能是主要由各機關公務員來兼任的。
3.作者們將全部回報的貼文進行文字探勘分析，發現共可分成五大類：(1)嘲笑外國 (2)與其它網友針對時政的爭論 (3)對近日施政表達滿意 (4)純粹施政內容的貼文 (5)贊美中國、愛國愛黨。
4.貼文並非隨機，而顯然是只要有重大爭議事件或時間點，各機關間似乎就會協調好一起跑出來密集的貼文。
https://gking.harvard.edu/50c
Abstract:
The Chinese government has long been suspected of hiring as many as 2,000,000 people to surreptitiously insert huge numbers of pseudonymous and other deceptive writings into the stream of real social media posts, as if they were the genuine opinions of ordinary people. Many academics, and most journalists and activists, claim that these so-called ``50c party'' posts vociferously argue for the government's side in political and policy debates. As we show, this is also true of the vast majority of posts openly accused on social media of being 50c. Yet, almost no systematic empirical evidence exists for this claim, or, more importantly, for the Chinese regime's strategic objective in pursuing this activity. In the first large scale empirical analysis of this operation, we show how to identify the secretive authors of these posts, the posts written by them, and their content. We estimate that the government fabricates and posts about 448 million social media comments a year. In contrast to prior claims, we show that the Chinese regime's strategy is to avoid arguing with skeptics of the party and the government, and to not even discuss controversial issues. We show that the goal of this massive secretive operation is instead to distract the public and change the subject, as most of the these posts involve cheerleading for China, the revolutionary history of the Communist Party, or other symbols of the regime. We discuss how these results fit with what is known about the Chinese censorship program, and suggest how they may change our broader theoretical understanding of ``common knowledge'' and information control in authoritarian regimes.
